Interference around COP 11 & MOP 4

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Background

The WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (WHO FCTC) is an international treaty that aims to reduce the supply and demand of tobacco. The WHO FCTC includes a specific obligation, Article 5.3, requiring Parties to protect public health policies from the commercial and vested interests of the tobacco industry.

The Parties to the WHO FCTC usually meet every two years at the Conference of the Parties (COP). In 2025, the 11th session of the COP (COP 11) is due to take place from 17 to 22 November in Geneva, immediately followed by the fourth Meeting of the Parties (MOP 4) from 24 to 26 November, to oversee the Protocol to Eliminate Illicit Trade in Tobacco Products. This treaty was adopted at COP 5 and addresses means of countering the illicit tobacco trade.

In October 2025, the Secretariat of the two treaties released a statement indicating that the tobacco industry is intensifying its efforts to influence the COP and MOP negotiations, in order to undermine global tobacco control measures. The Secretariat urged parties to “stay vigilant”.1

This page summarises activities and interference by the tobacco industry, third parties, and others in relation to COP 11 and MOP 4, as well as highlighting criticism aimed at the treaties.

The Tobacco Industry and Associations

British American Tobacco and Philip Morris International

Ahead of COP 11, British American Tobacco (BAT), Philip Morris International (PMI), and Tabacalera Centroamericana (TACASA), PMI’s subsidiary in Guatemala and Honduras,2 attended a meeting between the Honduran government and the private sector, “with the aim of coordinating the country’s position at COP 11”, according to a Honduran government webpage.3 The webpage also stated that “by 20 September the government will receive contributions from the private sector, which will then be discussed”.3 The meeting was convened by the Honduran Secretariat of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation (SRECI).

Tabaqueira

In October 2025, a representative of Tabaqueira, PMI’s Portuguese subsidiary, criticised COP 11 in the local press, stating:

“If all the measures presented are accepted, it may jeopardise the sustainability of thousands of small businesses that are part of the value chain in this sector, as well as creating favourable conditions for the illicit trade, with resulting loss of tax revenue.”4

Tobacco associations in Brazil

In July, a public meeting to discuss the Brazilian position at COP was held at the Chamber of Deputies (Brazil’s lower house of parliament) in Brasília. It was attended by various tobacco industry organisations. Attendees criticised the COP, recalling that in previous COPs industry representatives were denied access.5

The same month, a similar meeting was held by the Sectorial Chamber for the Tobacco Supply Chain, an industry enclave which sits within the Ministry of Agriculture.6 According to the Interstate Tobacco Industry Union (SindiTabaco), which is represented in the Sectorial Chamber, the group feared that the Brazilian delegation would adopt an “arbitrary” position, “as has occurred at other COPs”.78 The president of the Sectorial Chamber is also the vice-president of the Tobacco Growers’ Association of Brazil (Afubra), which criticised the exclusion of industry representatives from the COP.9

In September, a meeting was held in Brasília by Conicq, the National Commission for Implementation of the WHO FCTC in Brazil. This meeting was attended by SindiTabaco, which lobbied Conicq to consider not only matters of public health, but also to take into account “the social and economic importance of the tobacco industry for more than 525 municipalities and 138,000 Brazilian farmers”.10

Supporters of the tobacco industry have been particularly active against COP in Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil’s biggest tobacco-producing state.11 In June, a bill was tabled in the state to provide official recognition for tobacco growing as an activity of social, cultural and economic importance for the state, though Article 17 of the WHO FCTC urges Parties to seek economically viable alternatives for tobacco farmers.1213

In August, the Rio Grande do Sul legislature approved the creation of the “Subcommission for the Defence of the Tobacco Sector and COP11 Monitoring”. Its activities are being compiled into a report, which it aims to send to Brazilian government ministers, diplomats and the WHO in the runup to COP.1415 The leader of the Subcommission called on the federal government to secure access to the COP for the tobacco industry and industry-adjacent politicians and journalists, and suggested that if they were denied access (as occurred at previous COPs), they would consider taking legal action.16

In September, Rio Grande do Sul’s minister for agriculture highlighted the importance of tobacco growing to the state’s economy and reiterated the government’s commitment to supporting the sector. He also confirmed that the state governor had asked him to represent Rio Grande do Sul at COP 11.17

Tobacco Institute of India

The Tobacco Institute of India (TII) was founded in 1992 by ITC Limited, Godfrey Phillips India and VST Industries Ltd. All three companies have affiliations with either British American Tobacco (BAT) or Philip Morris International (PMI).18

In June 2025, at an awards ceremony for tobacco farmers, Sharad Tandan, TII director, expressed concerns over COP 11 policy measures, describing them as “unreasonable and impractical”.19

International Tobacco Growers Association (ITGA)

The International Tobacco Growers’ Association (ITGA) – a front group set up and run by the major cigarette manufacturers – held several meetings during 2025 in which COP 11 featured in discussions.

In April, the Americas meeting placed “particular emphasis on the increasing regulatory pressure from the World Health Organization”.20

In July, ITGA hosted a meeting in Malawi, which addressed the potential impacts of COP 11 and the EU Due Diligence Directive on tobacco growing in Africa. The meeting included representatives from five African tobacco-producing countries, including Malawi’s Minister of Agriculture, the International Labour Organization (ILO) Malawi and the Eliminating Child Labour in Tobacco-Growing Foundation (ECLT), among others.21

In September, ITGA held its AGM in Germany, at which it criticised the COP.22

Tobacco Industry Media and Events

Filter magazine

In May and September 2025, Filter magazine published articles on COP 11. Filter is owned by The Influence Foundation, which receives direct and indirect tobacco industry funding, including from Global Action to End Smoking (GAES), which continues to operate on funding from PMI. In 2024, the Influence Foundation received US$127,308 from GAES to “Support communication about tobacco harm reduction”.23

In May 2025, writing on ‘World Vape Day’, Filter argued that people “in the nicotine space” are excluded and denied their “voice” at COP 11. It also alleged that the WHO and others in tobacco control “stigmatized” people who use nicotine.24

In September 2025, Filter suggested that those advocating for newer nicotine and tobacco products worry that the best outcome at COP would be to avoid any further policy setbacks. The article quoted extensively both the executive coordinator of the Coalition of Asia Pacific Tobacco Harm Reduction Advocates (CAPHRA) and the pro-tobacco blogger Martin Cullip. The latter has longstanding relationships with the tobacco industry and industry-funded organisations, though in the Filter article he is presented only as a “British THR [tobacco harm reduction] advocate”.25

The Global Tobacco and Nicotine Forum

The Global Tobacco and Nicotine Forum (GTNF) is an annual tobacco-industry funded event that typically takes place in September. This theme of this year’s event was ‘Real World Evidence: The Race to Reduce Harm’.26 One of the sessions, which was titled “FCTC/COP What Role Does the Global Framework Play in Today’s Regulatory Environment?”, was moderated by Derek Yach (formerly of the Foundation for a Smoke-Free World) and the speakers included Christopher Snowdon of the Institute of Economic Affairs and Peter Beckett of Clearing the Air.27

Third Parties

Consumer Choice Center

Clearing the Air

Clearing the Air receives support from the Consumer Choice Center (CCC), which has received funding from the tobacco industry.28 In October 2025, Clearing the Air published a leaked European Union (EU) document outlining the EU’s proposed position ahead of COP11. The article argued that the document signalled an “explicitly hostile stance toward harm reduction” and criticised the framing of harm reduction as an industry narrative, arguing that the EU is portraying “novel and emerging nicotine and tobacco products” as a “gateway to addiction”.29

In November 2025, Clearing the Air published an article ahead of COP 11 calling on “governments, industry, and civil society to embrace tobacco harm reduction”. The article called for re-evaluation of Article 5.3 of the WHO FCTC and an end to the exclusion of tobacco-industry funded research from leading scientific journals.30

World Vapers’ Alliance

The World Vapers’ Alliance (WVA), a US-based organisation, was set up by and receives funding from CCC, which in turn accepts funding from the tobacco industry. WVA is also reported to have received funding from BAT directly.31

In April 2025, WVA accused the WHO of ignoring what it describes as “robust evidence” on harm reduction.32 WVA indicated that it will be present at COP 11, to ensure that policy makers consider “the evidence supporting tobacco harm reduction” and the “rights of adults to access safer alternatives”.32

In June 2025, as part of its campaign “Voices Unheard – Consumers Matter!”, WVA held a silent protest outside the venue of the World Conference on Tobacco Control in Dublin.33 It described the exclusion of consumers in Dublin as “dangerous” and argued that COP should not be another “closed-door summit where consumer voices are excluded and outdated thinking prevails.”34 It also criticised the EU for aligning its stance with the WHO and considering tax increases on “alternative nicotine products”.34 WVA later criticised the COP 11 agenda, claiming that the language revealed a “dangerously biased and ideologically driven direction for the upcoming negotiations.”35

In August 2025, WVA published two opinion pieces in local outlets in Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago; in the latter case, the article was described as a “paid advertorial”.3637 WVA argued that smaller countries are often “sidelined at these global meetings” and urged them to “stand tall” and “champion” harm reduction at COP 11.3637 Another article published on the WVA website recalled Saint Kitts and Nevis’s proposal at COP 10 to create a working group on harm reduction, and indicated that along with Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago, the country has “a chance to lead” at COP 11.38

In August 2025, an article was published on the WVA website by the chair of the Campaign for Safer Alternatives (CASA). He argued that COP 11 presents an opportunity for Africa to demand “a more realistic, risk-based approach”. The article states that “Africa should speak with one voice” in favour of harm reduction.39

Knowledge-Action-Change

In September 2025, Knowledge-Action-Change (K-A-C), a GAES grantee, published a COP briefing paper on the website of its Global State of Tobacco Harm Reduction project. The brief stated that the WHO FCTC’s current stance against “safer nicotine products” undermines progress on global public health, indicating “[t]here is a growing body of evidence that shows SNP [Safer Nicotine Products] are significantly safer than combustible cigarettes”, but that “the WHO seems resolutely set against THR [tobacco harm reduction]”. The brief also criticised the COP for a perceived lack of transparency and accountability. It urged people to contact their parliamentary representative and relevant ministry officials, alert the media, engage with the Convention Secretariat, and make their position clear to IGOs and NGOs with observer status.40

Institute of Economic Affairs

The Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA), a “free market” UK think tank, has a history of collaboration with the tobacco industry, including receiving financial support from tobacco companies.

The Director of the IEA’s “Lifestyle Economics” unit, Christopher Snowdon, authored an article published by The Critic criticising the COP as a “biennial gathering of anti-nicotine zealots.” He also described the forward looking measures put forward by the Expert Group in relation to WHO FCTC Article 2.1 as “insane” and “idiotic”.41

Health Diplomats and linked groups

Smoke Free Sweden is a campaign created by Health Diplomats, a consultancy set up by Delon Human. Human is described as the “leader of the Smoke Free Sweden movement” on its website.42

In September 2025, Smoke Free Sweden launched a report titled “The Safer Nicotine Revolution: Global Lessons, Healthier Futures”. Four of the authors – Human, Martin Cullip, Marewa Glover (of the Centre for Research Excellence: Indigenous Sovereignty and Smoking), and Karl Fagerstrom (of the Snus Commission) – have had financial links to the tobacco industry. The report stated that “COP11 should focus on provisions of the treaty that need updating to incorporate THR”.43 It republished in full the proposal by Saint Kitts and Nevis at COP 10 to establish a working group on harm reduction, arguing that the group “would not be a policy shift, but a fact-finding mission grounded in the FCTC’s own principles.”43

In parallel to the release of the report, Human argued that integrating newer nicotine and tobacco products into tobacco control strategies could help Caribbean policymakers (particularly in Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago) reduce smoking-related deaths.44 The article in which he was quoted also framed COP 11 as an opportunity for Caribbean delegations “to champion public health innovation over outdated, ineffective and ideological dogma.”44

In May 2025, TobaccoHarmReduction.net, another campaign founded by Human,45 published an article which referred to the ‘Good COP/Bad COP’ campaign by the Taxpayers Protection Alliance (TPA). It stated that the “campaign aims to hold the WHO accountable.”46

Human is also co-founder of the African Harm Reduction Alliance (AHRA).47 In October 2025 an article was published on the AHRA website which criticised the language of COP agenda.48

UNITAB Europe

In October 2025, Gennarino Masiello, president of UNITAB (the European Union of tobacco growers) and the Italian National Tobacco Organization (ONT Italia), criticised the prospect of the EU adopting the same position as the WHO FCTC on forward-looking measures. He described the measures as “disaster”, which risked “destroying families and thousands of jobs.” He also argued they would lead to greater levels of illicit trade.49

We Vape

We Vape was founded in 2020 by Mark Oates, a fellow at the Adam Smith Institute, a UK think tank that has a history of collaboration with the tobacco industry, including accepting funding.

In August 2025, We Vape posted on social media about COP 11, describing it as an opportunity for change and calling for the WHO to “embrace harm reduction”. The post was accompanied by an image of women holding placards, which read “Listen to consumers”; “Hands off our vapes”; “Let consumers into COP11”; and “Let us vape” (see Image 1).50

Image 1: from We Vape’s X account, 12 August 2025

In September 2025, We Vape relaunched its “Back Vaping Save Lives” campaign, which it also ran during COP 10 (see Interference Around COP 10 and MOP 3). The campaign page states that “The rights of vapers are under threat from the World Health Organisation [sic]” and provided a template letter for people to write to their MP.5152

We Vape has also been targeting small retailers with anti-COP discourse. Convenience Store, a website for the sector, reported that “We Vape believes an attack on vaping is an attack on small high street businesses, already reeling from government tax increases on employees’ national insurance and the cost of living crisis.”53

Oates said:

“How is it a supranational organisation can ban the media and the public, but be allowed to influence global policy so that it damages public health in nearly 200 countries, destroys small businesses and misinforms the people?”53

Global Institute for Novel Nicotine (GINN)

In June 2025, the Global Institute for Novel Nicotine (GINN), an association directed by a former PMI employee, published an article arguing that debate in the lead up to COP on banning flavours in nicotine pouches and other “reduced-risk” products should be guided by a “science-based approach” rather than “outdated ideology”.54

GINN’s Science and Standards Committee Chair is also a former tobacco industry employee, who worked for British American Tobacco (BAT), Philip Morris International (PMI) and Imperial Brands.55 In November 2025, he published an article which argued that banning nicotine pouches “would be a profound public health mistake.”56

Federazione Italiana Tabaccai

In October 2025, Mario Antonelli, President of the Federazione Italiana Tabaccai (FIT), which represents Italian tobacco retailers, criticised upcoming proposals from the WHO and the European Commission. He described the COP 11 expert group report on forward looking measures as “surreal” and urged the Italian government to oppose decisions shaping Europe’s stance ahead of the COP.57 He stated:

“These regulatory proposals seriously undermine not only the regulatory power of each EU Member State to define sales and distribution systems, but also the individual freedom of citizens and the freedom to conduct a business.”57

Others

CAPHRA

The Coalition of Asia Pacific Tobacco Harm Reduction Advocates (CAPHRA) describes itself as “an alliance between the Tobacco Harm Reduction Advocates and their respective organisations in the region”.58 It states it is “unfunded and grassroots”,58 and has had “no affiliation with any industry or commercial interests, whether tobacco or e-cigarette related, since its inception in 2018”.59 In 2025, CAPHRA issued a series of public statements ahead of COP 11.

In January, CAPHRA indicated it wrote to Health Ministries in the Asia Pacific region urging them to include consumer perspectives in their national positions to COP 11, to “ensure that tobacco harm reduction policies are evidence-based and consumer-informed”.59 In March and April, CAPHRA called upon Parties to the WHO FCTC to adopt “risk-proportionate regulations that distinguish safer alternatives from deadly combustible products”,60 and to resist “external pressures” by grounding policies in scientific evidence.61 The group also called on governments to hold the WHO and the WHO FCTC accountable for the exclusion of consumer voices in tobacco policy making.61

CAPHRA repeatedly criticised the COP meetings.6162 It also claimed that Article 5.3, which is intended to prevent tobacco industry interference, has been misused to exclude independent consumer groups and harm reduction experts with no industry ties.6364It criticised the COP11 agenda,6566and the draft decision on forward looking measures in relation to Article 2.1.66

On October 2025, CAPHRA announced that it will run “Asia Day” on 19 November 2025 in parallel to COP 11. It is part of the “Good COP” event being run by the Taxpayers Protection Alliance (see below).67

COPWATCH

COPWATCH is a website that publishes regular blog posts attacking the WHO, the COP and the tobacco control community. It does not identify the authors of the posts or any of its funders. The “About Us” section of their website states only that the website “is written and published by consumers of safer nicotine products”.68

In the lead up to COP 11, it published articles criticising the COP document on forward-looking measures and its implications for “tobacco harm reduction”,69 the COP provisional agenda,70 and transparency at the COP.71

Taxpayers Protection Alliance

The Taxpayers Protection Alliance (TPA) is a US-based not-for-profit which lobbies on tobacco related topics, including outside the US.

In April 2025, TPA announced it will be running an event in Geneva parallel to COP 11, called “Good COP”. This follows a similar event held in Panama during COP 10. The president of TPA said “We’re building a coalition of doctors, consumers, and advocates who want the WHO to work for the people, not against them”.72

TPA also criticised the WHO FCTC, arguing that the convention has “failed to adapt” and “has not integrated harm reduction strategies” into its policy framework.73

In October 2025, TPA released a brief titled “FCTC: The Wrong Lessons Learned,” by Roger Bate, an economist who has worked for the American Enterprise Institute think tank and the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA). Bate has a history of advocating for the tobacco industry.74

Tobacco Harm Reduction 101

Lindsey Stroud, formerly of the Taxpayers Protection Alliance, is founder and president of Tobacco Harm Reduction 101,75 where she has published a series of articles criticising COP 11. She argued that COP 10 “failed” to address the regulation of newer nicotine and tobacco products and warned that “With COP11 now less than 100 days away, delegates and policymakers must recognize the damage caused by overregulation and blanket bans.”76 She also urged countries such as the Philippines and Hungary to defend harm reduction at COP 11 and resist “top-down bans”.767778

We Are Innovation

We Are Innovation describes itself as a “dynamic network of individuals and institutions who deeply believe in innovation’s power to drive progress and solve the world’s most pressing problems.”79 In 2023, POLITICO contacted Federico Fernández, the CEO of We Are Innovation, who reportedly refused to say whether the organisation had received tobacco industry funding.80

In August and September 2025, We Are Innovation published two separate articles on the positions of Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago ahead of COP 11, urging the prime ministers of both countries to take action.8182 Fernández called for “bold leadership”, building on support from other Caribbean nations such as Saint Kitts and Nevis and Guyana.8182

Direct appeal to delegates by tobacco harm reduction advocate

In the week before COP, Clive Bates, a prominent British tobacco harm reduction advocate, contacted delegates directly in order to share his “COP-11 survival guide”.83 This consists of seven documents containing detailed information and alternative policy materials which criticise the COP and the WHO FCTC, while advocating for “the one big idea that will work” – namely, the promotion of newer nicotine and tobacco products.84

The survival guide also included an “Expert Wall”, consisting of statements from advocates and researchers on tobacco science and policy, several of whom (but not all) have documented tobacco industry links (undeclared in Bates’s guide).85 Likewise, the “Informative Resources” section directed delegates towards content produced by Karl Fagerstrom of the Snus Commission, who has received consulting fees from the tobacco industry, and Christopher Snowdon of the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA), a think tank with a history of close collaboration with the tobacco industry, including accepting funding.

Relevant Links

Tobacco Tactics Resources

TCRG Research

 

 

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References

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  3. ↑abSecretaría de Relaciones Exteriores y Cooperación Internacional, Gobierno y empresa privada preparan postura conjunta previo a la COP 11, Gobierno de la República, undated, accessed October 2025
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  63. ↑Coalition of Asia Pacific Tobacco Harm Reduction Advocates, WHO Disenfranchises the Public from Tobacco Control Conference as Registration Barriers Reach “Insane” Levels, GlobeNewswire, 21 September 2025, accessed October 2025
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