Lobby Groups
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Background
Using Lobby Groups is one of the ways in which Tobacco Companies are Lobbying Decision Makers. Lobby Groups act on behalf of the tobacco industry, contacting regulators and policy makers with the aim to influence regulation and legislation. See Third Party Techniques for more on this tobacco industry tactic.
The page on Lobbying Decision Makers explains the issue in more detail, discussing – amongst other things – the difference, or rather, the thin line between direct and indirect lobbying. Lobby groups speaking on behalf of the industry could be understood as direct lobbying – specifically if it is transparent who has paid them to do this. Transparency, however, is a treasure hard to find in this line of business. Apart from the groups mentioned above, Think Tanks or other policy institutions can also be involved in (indirect)lobbying.
This page lists a selection of lobbying groups, pressure groups and trade associations around the world. Many are clearly associated with the industry as their representatives. Others echo industry arguments and do not reveal any of their donors. None of these organisations have broken any laws. For many we link to profile pages giving more information.
Lobbying and Pressure Groups
Acción Técnica Social (ATS) |
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| ATS states that it is a non-profit corporation that has been “working with governments and local, national and international organisations to design and implement public policies, programs and strategies” since 2007 [translated].1 It runs a project titled ‘Nicotine Risk and Damage Reduction’[translated]2 and has promoted the use of e-cigarettes, heated tobacco products and snus.34 Philip Morris International has admitted to having a contract with and receiving advice from ATS, stating “It’s a local civil society organisation and has important links to decisionmakers, so of course there are spaces where they’ve provided us with advice”.5 | ||
Aliansi Masyarkat Tembakau Indonesia (AMTI) |
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| AMTI was established in 2010 as a “forum for struggle for tobacco farmers, workers, consumers, retailers, and cigarette manufacturers”[translation].6 It was founded by PT HM Sampoerna Tbk, an Indonesian tobacco company owned by Philip Morris International, and other industry linked organisations including the Indonesian Clove Farmers Association (APCI) and the Indonesian Tobacco Farmers Association (APTI).7 AMTI has regularly lobbied against tobacco control measures including a ban on cigarette and tobacco product advertising and increases in tobacco taxes.8910 | ||
Asosiasi Petani Tembakau Indonesia (APTI) |
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| APTI, the Indonesian Tobacco Farmers Association [translation], was established in 2000.11 It mobilizes tobacco farmers to oppose and protest against tobacco control measures.12 It has frequently lobbied against increases in excise tax,12 and has spoken out against the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, urging the government not to ratify the treaty.1314 | ||
Americans for Tax Reform |
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| Americans for Tax Reform “opposes all tax increases as a matter of principle”.15 Unsurprisingly this includes cigarette and e-cigarette taxes.16 It is led by veteran activist Grover Norquist who also serves on other think tanks and pressure groups.17 It is associated with the nonprofit Tholos Foundation (previously the Americans for Tax reform Foundation See Think Tanks for more information. | ||
Australian Taxpayers’ Alliance (ATA) |
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| ATA is a lobby group which campaigns against tax increases in Australia.18 It has opposed increases in tobacco excise duties,19 as well as other tobacco control measures including import bans20 and plain packaging, echoing industry arguments that it does not work.21 It has also supported the legalisation of e-cigarettes.2223 ATA does not disclose its funders, but has admitted to receiving ad-hoc social media advice from a British American Tobacco (BAT) consultant,24 and in 2021 reportedly partnered with a vaping retail group funded by Philip Morris International to try to overturn nicotine e-cigarette laws in Australia.25 ATA’s ‘Legalise Vaping Australia’ initiative is listed as a partner of the World Vapers’ Alliance (WVA), and ATA’s President Brian Marlow sits on WVA’s advisory board.2627 | ||
Canadian Taxpayers Federation |
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| This “citizens advocacy group dedicated to lower taxes”28 has lobbied the WHO against plain packaging proposals in 201629 and 2018.30 In 2012 it released a report called “How much is contraband tobacco costing taxpayers in Ontario?” which concluded that high taxes were to blame for smuggling, echoing industry arguments.31 The Federation is listed as a member of the National Coalition Against Contraband Tobacco whose members also include Crime Stoppers International and whose funding is predominantly from Canadian Tobacco Manufacturers Council and major tobacco companies including Imperial Tobacco Canada (owned by BAT) and a subsidiary of Japan Tobacco International.32. The Federation refuses to reveal its donors in part because it says it wants to protect them from retribution.33 | ||
Consumer Choice Center |
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| The Consumer Choice Center (CCC) is a lobby group which was set up by the US-based Students for Liberty in 2017, with staff in the United States, Canada and the EU. CCC promotes looser regulation of consumer products in reportedly over 100 countries, covering, for example food and agriculture policies, food and soda taxes, food labelling, health care and tobacco harm reduction. It has set up and funded other organisations and campaigns including the World Vapers Alliance. CCC has received funding from the ‘big four’ transnational tobacco companies. | ||
EFFAT |
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| The European Federation of Food, Agriculture and Tourism Trade Unions (EFFAT) represents 120 trade unions across the European Union. Leaked internal documents from Philip Morris International (PMI) revealed that EFFAT’s EU tobacco products directive lobbying activities were part of a larger, comprehensive and well-financed PMI campaign to undermine tobacco control policy. Although it denies tobacco industry funding, some of its member unions represent tobacco companies. | ||
Factasia |
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| Factasia, a Hong Kong-based lobby group, promotes looser regulations of tobacco and e-cigarettes across Asia. It says that it does not speak for the tobacco industry.34 The group was formed in 2013 to “represent the rights of smokers at government level”. One of its two co-founders had worked in the tobacco industry.35 Philip Morris remains one of its funders.36 Other supporters supply services to the tobacco industry.36 | ||
Federation of All India Farmer Associations (FAIFA) |
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| FAIFA is an Indian Farmer’s association which has often opposed what it calls “extreme tobacco control measures”.37 FAIFA made a petition to the Delhi High Court against Framework Convention on Tobacco Control and India hosting COP7, drawing on farmers right to grow tobacco and calling for looser regulations.38 | ||
Forest |
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| Set up in 1979, the “Freedom Organisation for the Right to Enjoy Smoking Tobacco” repeats industry arguments on any topic while claiming to represent ordinary smokers. Historically, it has received a large proportion of its funding from tobacco companies. | ||
The Freedom Association |
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| Set up in 1975, this right-wing pressure group has regularly campaigned against tobacco controls. Key figures have worked with other libertarian organisations which echo industry arguments on issues such as indoor smoking bans. The association does not reveal its funders but has previously denied tobacco funding. | ||
Hong Kong Against Illicit Trade |
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| Hong Kong Against Illicit Trade is an advocacy organisation which focuses on creating awareness about the challenges that illicit trade brings to society.39Philip Morris Asia and the Coalition on Tobacco Affairs (CTA) are members of this organisation.40It echoes industry arguments on the causes and solutions to Tobacco Smuggling though denies it is focussed solely on that issue.41 | ||
Keep America Beautiful |
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| Its mission is to inspire people to “improve and beautify their community environment”.42 On its board of directors is Greg Ray, SVP for smokable Manufacturing at Philip Morris International. He sits with senior exec from Pepsi, McDonalds, Dow Dupont and other multinationals.43 Its 2009 national litter survey found that tobacco products comprise 38% of all roadway litter. Its action was to have more bins and educate the public on individual responsibility.44 | ||
Koalisi Indonesia Bebas Tar (KABAR) |
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| KABAR was established in 2017 and describes itself as “a coalition of health organizations and professions committed to increasing public awareness of the dangers of TAR contained in cigarette smoke produced by the combustion process.”4546 It has lobbied for “alternative tobacco products”, including e-cigarettes and heated tobacco products, to be regulated differently from cigarettes and has promoted the use of these products.4748 Since at least 2019, KABAR has been part-funded by PT HM Sampoerna Tbk, a Philip Morris International subsidiary and producer of heated tobacco products.4549 | ||
National Taxpayers Union |
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| This well-established group based in the United States campaigns for lower taxes and minimal government spending.50 Historically it been close with the tobacco industry with industry documents showing links back to 1991.51 In 2017 Reynolds American donated $26,000 to the Union.52 It lobbied the WHO against plain packaging proposals in 201653 and 2018.54 | ||
New Zealand Taxpayers’ Union |
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| Although coy about revealing its backers, it is known that British American Tobacco has donated to the lobby group for at least three years.55 The Union has regularly opposed tobacco control measures and launched a Clear The Air campaign to promote e-cigarette use. Echoing tobacco industry arguments, it says: “Outdated regulations and taxes will mislead cigarette smokers and make healthier options less attractive. That’s why we’ve launched this campaign to clear the air around alternative nicotine products.”56 | ||
Property Rights Alliance |
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| Focussed on protecting intellectual property rights, the PRA is an “advocacy project” of the think tank Americans for Tax Reform (ATR). The ATR has a long history of tobacco funding and the PRA has taken up industry causes. It co-ordinates lobbying worldwide, including around e-cigarette bans. | ||
Polish Confederation Lewiatan |
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| Polish organisation that describes itself as the “most influential Polish business organization, representing the interests of employers in Poland and the European Union”. This organization has BAT Poland and PMI Poland as members.57 Its website lists the organisation’s activities, among which is successfully campaigning against tax rises and other benefits for the tobacco industry. 58 | ||
Stop Illegal Trade |
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| Stop Illegal Trade is a media forum which states that its aim is to create awareness of illegal consumer goods. Its website states that the financial support for setting up the site and all associated media advocacy has been provided by two companies, one of which is Philip Morris (Pakistan) Limited, a subsidiary of Philip Morris International.59 In line with the tobacco industry’s narrative, Stop Illegal Trade’s communications have stated that increases in cigarette excise duties have led to an increase in illicit tobacco trade, and that this leads to a huge loss to the economy.6061 | ||
The TaxPayers’ Alliance |
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| This UK lobby group purports to be a grassroots campaign for lower taxes but doesn’t reveal its funders. It has said that it has no financial ties with tobacco companies. Its personnel are linked to various free-market organisations. It has consistently opposed raising tobacco taxes and PMI considered it an influencer in its opposition against plain packaging. |
Retailers Associations
Australian Association of Convenience Stores (AACS) |
| AACS has a long history of lobbying the government and echoing industry arguments on tobacco control measures, including campaigning against Australia’s plain packaging laws62 and opposing tobacco product tax increases.63 AACS is run by former BAT executive Theo Foukkare and former Philip Morris International (PMI) executive Ben Meredith, and its top tier members and sponsors have included PMI, BAT and Imperial Brands.64 |
Australian Lotteries and Newsagents Association (ALNA) |
| The Australian Lotteries and Newsagents Association’s (ALNA’s) corporate members include British American Tobacco, Imperial Tobacco (Imperial Brands) and Philip Morris International.65 It was a core member of the tobacco-funded Alliance of Australian Retailers front group that campaigned against the introduction of Australia’s tobacco plain packaging laws from 2010-19.6667 It has regularly argued in government submissions that plain packaging has not worked as a tobacco control measure and instead fuels the illicit tobacco trade.67 It has also played a key role in lobbying campaigns pushing to establish an open market for e-cigarettes consumer sales.68 |
Australian Retailers Association (ARA) |
| ARA is the largest national retail body in Australia.69 In 2019, ARA set up the Australian Retail Vaping Industry Association (ARVIA),70 which worked with the Australian Taxpayers’ Alliance’s ‘Legalise Vaping Australia’ initiative to lobby for the legalisation of e-cigarettes.71 The Australian Financial Review reported that the ARVIA received hundreds of thousands of dollars from PMI under a contract with PR and lobbying agency Burson Cohn & Wolfe. 72 In August 2020 ARA cancelled the renewal of this contract, and closed down ARVIA.73 |
Master Grocers Association (MGA) |
| The Master Grocers Association (MGA) is a national employers’ industry association for independent grocery, alcohol and hardware stores in Australia. British American Tobacco, Philip Morris International and Imperial Tobacco (Imperial Brands) were listed as corporate partners in MGA’s annual reports from 2016-2018,74 and all three companies sponsored MGA’s GALA ball in 2019.75 It has lobbied against tobacco control measures including the introduction of plain packaging,67 increases in tobacco excise duty,76 raising the minimum tobacco sales age to 21 in Tasmania,77 and restrictions on e-cigarette sales and marketing.78 It has been particularly vocal on illicit tobacco issues, stating that excise increases in tobacco pricing are to blame.76 |
National Federation of Retail Newsagents |
| Established a century ago it supports independent retailers. It has opposed various tobacco control polices through lobbying and, while its member details are not divulged it is known to have received tobacco funding for specific campaigns |
Petrol Retailers Association |
| Representing independent fuel retailers; the PRA doesn’t disclose its members but has admitted previously that they included tobacco companies. Has lobbied against plain packaging proposals echoing industry arguments |
Retailers Against Smuggling |
| Set up in 2009, the organisation lobbies for action on tobacco and fuel smuggling and the impact on retailers in the Republic of Ireland. It echoes industry arguments by making a central demand for “A moratorium on further excise increases until such increases can be proven not to encourage smuggling as a result of price differentials.”79 It has 3,000 members and one of its corporate supporters is the Irish Tobacco Manufacturers Advisory Committee. The committee is made up of P.J. Carroll & Company Limited, JTI Ireland Limited (formerly Gallaher (Dublin) Limited) and John Player & Sons Limited, owned by British American Tobacco, JTI and Imperial Brands respectively. |
Retailers Association of India (RAI) |
| India’s main retailer’s association was part of a network of organisations mobilised by the tobacco industry to help lobby against proposed larger pictorial health warnings sizes on cigarette packs in 2015.80 The agribusiness/tobacco leaf and lifestyle divisions of BAT’s Indian partner ITC are members. Tobacco company Godfrey Philips India has an executive on RAI’s Northern Regional Council.81 |